Monday, December 2, 2019

Pakistan: Political History

Pakistan's short history as a country has been very chaotic. The territorial conflicts - as well as the serious conflicts that led to the nuclear deal with India - have prevented Pakistan from real stability for the last fifty years. It differs between democratically elected military and government, between world policy and financial support as a "front" country during the Cold War and the war on terror. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's recent crisis and political assassinations reflect a pattern of continued economic and political instability.


When Pakistan became a state on August 14, 1947, it formed the largest Islamic state at that time. The founding of Pakistan is the largest cause of population movement ever recorded. About seventeen million people - Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs - have reportedly moved on both sides between India and the two wings of Pakistan (east of Bangladesh). Sixty million of the ninety-five million Muslims in central India were Pakistani citizens at the time. Subsequently, thirty-five million Muslims remain in India making it the largest non-Muslim Muslim minority in the world.

Due to the anxiety of birth, Pakistan's desire to survive is so strong that it is unknown. Despite the unified faith of many Muslims, Pakistan has fought hard to establish a national identity and to establish a political system for multilingual people. Pakistan is known to have over twenty languages ​​and over 300 different languages, Urdu and English are the official languages ​​but Sepedi, Sindhi, Pashtu, Baluchi, and Seriki are the main languages. These differences led to endless environmental conflicts and a series of constitutional errors. Pakistan is also burdened by the general war with India, the well-known northwest border, and economic disputes. It has the problem of distributing the same economic and natural resources.

All the wars in Pakistan support the difficulties they face in aligning the goals of national unity and national security interests.

After the defeat of the army in the hands of India, the disintegration of its eastern territories, divided by India, led to the formation of Bangladesh in 1971. This proved to be the most puzzling of Pakistan's crisis as a unique nation. Political developments in Pakistan have been triggered by territorial assassinations and, in particular, by deep disagreements in the smaller provinces of Sind, Baluchistan, and the North-West Territory over what they see as a dictatorial rule. mostly Spanish. Benefits of Power, Benefit, and Support of the People The political instability of Pakistan has long been fueled by the heated debate over the type of government to accept, Islam or secular. With the exception of no other political party in the country, Pakistan has yet to rely on civilian and military operations to sustain government development.

The emergence of Pakistan

Pakistan's collective problems can be traced back to March 1940 when the All-India Muslim League easily organized Pakistan's interests with predominantly Muslim northwestern and northeastern Indian territories. Emphasizing that the Indian Muslims were a non-minority, the Muslim League and its leader, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, hoped to negotiate a constitutional provision that would provide the same distribution of power between Hindus and Muslims once the British government lost India. The demand for "Pakistan" is for Jinnah and the Organization intends to register their claim as supporters of all Muslims in India, both in the territories and in the territories where they are a minority. Jinnah and the fundamental gaps in support for the Council, however, are predominantly Muslim territories. In the 1937 general election, the shell became the main attraction of Muslim voters in many constituencies.

There is a clear contradiction in the need for a separate Islamic state and the claim that it speaks for all Muslims in India. Over the years Robert Raj of India neither Jinnah nor the Muslim League has explained how Muslims in poorer regions can benefit Pakistan from Punjab, Sind, North-West and North-West Territory and Baluchistan in the northwest. Bengal and Assam cannot be seen in the northeast. Jinnah tried to at least try to break the barrier by saying that because there were two countries in India - Hindu and Muslim - the transfer of power from Britain into Indian hands actually involved the removal of the imperialist unity. The re-integration of Indian integration should be in line with the agreement or treaty agreement between Pakistan (representing the Muslim majority region) and Hindustan (representing the Hindu majority region). Jinnah also affirmed that Pakistan should unite undisputed Punjab with Bengal. Both non-Muslim minorities in both regions are a good assurance that the Indian National Congress will consider the issue when negotiating an agreement with the Muslim League to protect the interests of Hindustan Hindu minorities.

Despite Jinnah's main allegations, the Muslim League has failed to set up machinery in many Islamic territories. As a result, such tactics have no real control over politicians or fundamentalists who gather in the name of Islam. During the last round of negotiations, Jinnah's election was weakened by the unwavering commitment of politicians from Islamic territories to meet the average demand of Pakistan. The outbreak of social problems is worsening Jinnah. In the end, he had no choice but to settle in Pakistan occupied many non-Muslim areas in Punjab and Bengal and relinquish his hope of solving problems that would be the desire of all Muslims. But what is even worse is Congress' reluctance to interpret the split during India's split between Pakistan and Hindustan. According to Congress, the division simply meant that some of the most influential Muslim communities were "isolating" the Indian party. The implication is that if Pakistan fails to survive, the Islamic region will return to Indian unity; there is no point in repeating it by two independent kingdoms.

With this agreement, no one stands out in the integration of Islamic territories within the Indian Federation without the central government's ideas, which should not be so strong. Establishing a central power proved difficult, especially since the territories had been ruled from New Delhi for so long and the separation of the east and west wings of Pakistan by a thousand Indian territories. While the sentiments of Muslims are the best hope of maintaining the unity of Pakistan, their mixed culture and language are stifled. The Islamic faith is indeed a unanimous vote, but it does not translate into the strict support that Jinnah and the League are required from the Islamic region to form an alliance for the benefit of all Muslims in India.

Therefore, differences in the territories of Pakistan are a threat to the central authorities. As the region continues to be the center of major political activities, those who are determined to form a central government in Karachi may have politicians without the support of trained or trained state officials. former Indian leadership. The weaknesses inherent in the structure of the Islamic State, coupled with the lack of basic administrative tools to drive the country's affairs, have proved to be a tragic disaster for Pakistan as a whole. The presence of millions of refugees requires governments to act quickly to resolve matters unless they are founded, without sufficient resources or expertise. Trade unions are increasingly investing in high-demand industries. And the lack of access to higher education funding requires government intervention, which has led to confusion between the Islamic Society's management tools and the elite that dominate the Muslim League.

Power and Government

The military and civilians were affected by the confusion caused by the division. Pakistan partnered with many politicians to start their political and economic crisis. Politicians are evil, inclined to maintain their political power and to protect the interests of the elite, so they as waiting representatives do not give much hope to a democratic government that provides economic justice and justice to all Pakistanis. To provoke controversy over the national language, the role of Islam, regional delegation, and the transfer of power between institutions and territories delayed the constitution and delayed the general election. In October 1956 the agreement was brought together and the first constitution of Pakistan was published. Attempts at a democratic government are simple but unpleasant. Ministers were created and repeatedly broken, and in October 1958, when the country's general election was scheduled for the following year, Chief Mohammad Ayub Khan convened the army with ease.

Between 1958 and 1971 President Ayub Khan, with democratic rule, was able to enter the government without interruption to the unstable mining agreement that had infected the first year after independence. Khan merged the coalition with the Spanish army and the government administration with a small but influential industrial group and an elite community, to replace the parliamentary government through the administration of Basic Democracy. The main code of Democracies is based on Khan's assessment that their "free" politicians have a negative effect on the country. Therefore, he voted against all inconsistencies with politicians under the Electoral Control Act 1959 (EBDO). The Center for Basic Democracy at the time had to argue that "it is a democracy in line with the people's intelligence." A small number of major democrats (originally eighty thousand divided evenly between the two wings and then an additional forty thousand) were elected members of the provincial and national congresses. As a result, the Democracy System not only gives every citizen the opportunity to participate in the democratic process but opens up the possibility of corruption and buys votes from a handful of voters who have the chance to vote.

By giving the democratically elected government (several candidates) a foothold in electoral politics, Khan hopes to foster greater leadership, and especially the American-led economic development program. from Pakistan. But essentially increasing tensions between their territories and territories. The one who filed the east-wing complaint was the potential threat to Khan's central control that he was trying to establish. In West Pakistan, the apparent success in increasing production was not affected by the growing disparities in medicine and their lack of representation, poor performance in urban areas, and accumulation of wealth in some industrial houses. After the 1965 war with India, environmental dissatisfaction in East Pakistan and urban unrest in West Pakistan helped to weaken Ayub Khan's leadership, forcing him to relinquish power in March 1969.

Bangladesh Secedes

After Job Khan, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan led a second military coup from 1969-1971. The country then came under military rule for thirteen years of its existence. The second military government emphasized how the process of interference between military and military control has separated the Pakistani people and politics. The 1970 general election on the basis of the welfare of the elderly was revealed for the first time in the history of Pakistan whether media and civil unrest had political control despite efforts directed at development. The Awami group, led by Mujibur Rahman, has campaigned for a six-year program of political independence, won all but one place in East Pakistan and secured an absolute majority in the national assembly. The West Pakistan People's Party of Pakistan, led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, has a platform for many who have stolen the scissors from the Islamic party (the Islamic party, the former political party did not take various seats) and emerged as the single largest block. The prospect of Le Awami League regulation is a disruption to Western Pakistani politicians who are planning leadership and military to prevent Mujibur from seizing power. This is the last relic of the eastern wing that has been empowered by their government policies in all areas of government, economic collapse and the suppression of democracy. Armed insurgencies in East Pakistan caused all these fears, prompting Indian military intervention to end it. Pakistan is now involved in its third war with India, thus clearing the road for Bangladesh in 1971.

The Government of Democracy

Pakistan's disappointment overcoming chaos and the army, General Yahya Khan was left with no choice but to surrender all powers to the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) which saw the formation of a delegation led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. However, Bhutto's electoral powers are limited to Punjab and Sind, and although they are based on a solid political party. This, coupled with PP's non-compliance with the North-West Frontier and Baluchistan, meant that Bhutto could not operate the centralized facility without the full support of the administration and executive orders of the government. from the army. The 1973 constitution adopted major treaties in non-Hispanic territories and provided a framework for political systems based on national consensus. But Bhutto failed to implement the government's constitutional provisions. He relied on a very strong government hand to end political opposition and inadvertently built the PPP as a popular national party. The gap between his well-known rhetoric and his short-term success in unsustainable economic studies prevented Bhutto's formation from joining the public support center. Thus, despite the direct loss of 1971, the civil and military system remained a major pillar of government, in areas of Pakistan's population still struggling to be accepted into democracy. While PPP Bhutto won the 1977 elections, nine Pakatan Rakyat parties accused him of stabilizing the election. The violent military unrest gave General Zia-ul Haq a military motive in support of the political arena, and on July 5, 1977, Pakistan was again subject to military scrutiny and the 1973 Constitution was suspended.

It took General Zia's power to stop all political parties and express their resolve to unite the Pakistani government and the country into an Islamic state. In October 1979 Bhutto was acquitted on charges of murder and other PPP leaders were imprisoned or expelled. By holding pre-election elections and launching a series of Islamization policies, Zia sought to create a supportive policy in the hope of strengthening the military's role in Pakistani politics. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 led to the Zia regime gaining international support as a stable regime along the Soviet border. Although Pakistan has been officially separated from SEATO and CENTO and joined an unregistered organization, it is considered by the West to be an important first country and receives much attention from US military and financial aid. Despite some campaigns announcing the health of the economy, complaints of dissatisfaction, despite the shock, continued to make sense. On December 30, 1985, after asserting his position in the controversial "Islam" line, he drafted a new round of pre-territorial and national elections, and introduced several changes to the 1973 constitution, Zia finally advanced military law and announced the beginning of a new era of democracy in Pakistan.

This new era of democracy is the same as Pakistan's first political history. Major political parties are seeking to suspend the 1985 elections because of other neutral platforms. In addition to political parties, voters focus on local issues that extend the majority of the party to certain parties. It is clear that the people of Pakistan are keen to participate in the democratic process and have no desire to run, with 52.9% of votes for the Assembly and 56.9% of votes for constituencies.

President Zia's first step was to introduce amendments to the 1973 law that would strengthen his parliamentary system. The eighth amendment is the worst of the people's faith in the democratic system. Then the president will have full control and authority to take every step, which he feels is necessary to ensure the stability of the country. For the next twelve years, the president has used this amendment to oust several ministers from office, primarily because of personal conflicts or insecurity.

After the 1988 election, Muhammad Khan Junejo was elected prime minister, with a full vote of confidence by the State Council. Junejo appears to be a promising role in the Pakistani government; has encouraged a positive transition from the military to the government, which has generated optimism about Pakistan's democratic process. For his first years in office, Junejo was able to strike a balance between establishing his confidence as a member of parliament and democracy to ensure President Zia's success. She has developed a five-part program aimed at improving development, literacy rates, eliminating corruption and increasing the status of the average male. He developed foreign policy and demanded a large sum of money from heavy military spending. But on May 29, 1988, President Zia abolished the National Assembly and sacked the Prime Minister under Article 58-2-b of the Constitution. He said that Jenejo had planned to ruin his position; he blamed the National Assembly for its corruption and inability to enforce the Muslim way of life.

Opposition parties supported Zia's decision because it worked in their favor, giving her the first choice. They have called for the election to be scheduled for ninety days according to the constitution. President Zia interpreted this constitutional issue differently. He felt compelled to announce the election schedule within 90 days after the election. At the same time, he wanted to hold a non-party election in 1985, but the Supreme Court ruled that this was contrary to the spirit of the constitution. Political turmoil arises from Zia's proposal to postpone elections to organize the political system in the name of Islam. There were fears that Zia could impose martial law and a Muslim League split between Zia and Junejo supporters. All of this came as a shock when Zia died in a plane crash on March 17.

Ghulam Ishaq Khan sworn in as president is the Senate chairman and the election is based. What surprised foreign observers who feared the military could easily take power. The November 1988 election was based on the party's political platform for the first time in fifteen years. No party wins the majority of the House of Representatives unless the Pakistan People's Party emerges as the only one. Benazir Bhutto, chairman of the PPP, was named prime minister after the PPP formed a coalition of small organizations to form the working class. It is hoped Bhutto will work with opposition leader Nawaz Sharif of IJI, who heads the Spanish-majority party in the region. But they are soon installing a new wave of hatred and reducing the economy with bribes to other politicians to turn to their organizations. These reports without improving economic conditions have damaged the image of the central government. In 1990, President ousted Bhutto under the constitutional amendment, a decision upheld by the Supreme Court. So the election is held two years later.

Pakistanis have lost confidence in the democratic system. They felt it was rotten and unpredictable and based on the plundering of the army and the civilians. This attitude was reinforced by the fact that Nawaz Sharif was made prime minister in 1990, and he was ousted in 1993 despite investing in liberalization, restoring the confidence of domestic and international investors, that the investment increased by 17.6%. And as a result, GDP grew at a rate of 6.9% while inflation remained below 10%. Ghulam President Ishaq Khan is accused of conspiring with Benazir Bhutto in Sharif's sacking. For the first time in Pakistan's history, the Supreme Court has declared the expulsion of the National Assembly and Sharif unconstitutional, overturning Sharif and the Assembly. The move indicates that the presidency is not a superpower, but the events that show the government is uncertain. The corruption and crisis of the Ghulam castle led to a rebellion in Punjab in 1993, which represented Sharif and his party as unfit. This situation caused a stir in the administration which led to the intervention of Army Chief of Staff Abdul Waheed Kaker. It has been agreed that the president and the prime minister will resign and a new election will be held.

The lower part affects the frequency of the selection process. In this election, the order was split by the same players, the PPP and Bhutto and the Muslim League and Sharif. Sharif has lost popular support in Punjab, leading to the PPP claiming a majority of seats. Then the PPP again contested several seats and Bhutto was appointed a prime minister. He managed to get Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari to be elected president, which protected his government from the eighth amendment. Although Bhutto could not exercise a just government; he returned to crime, abuse of state resources, which was a threat to the people of Pakistan. Both the Judge and the President want to maintain their independence in the country, while Bhutto seeks to suppress the political system. President Leghari recently ousted him with the support of the Supreme Court. The public is pleased with the decision and in March 1997 they are preparing for a new election, the fifth in twelve years. Voter support for elections has been declining evenly over the last twelve years.

It is clear that the two main parties take turns supporting the community while Sharif and the Islamic Party are returned to the Prime Minister and the majority respectively. The Islamic Party has spent much of its parliament making fundamental changes in the political system by bringing thirteen amendments to the constitution. The thirteenth amendment suspends the presidential power to the head of state while claiming parliament as the central government. These changes have established a monitoring system and offset eight factors to maintain political stability. In 1999, the Eighth Amendment was abolished by a crisis that empowered the president to end the National Assembly or oust the prime minister. These legal issues are interesting, but the whole process of the Muslim Council is mixed. They inherited many obstacles, the economy would collapse and the political tendency for corruption. The May 1998 decision to conduct a nuclear test after the nuclear tests in India triggered severe economic sanctions. Bhutto's use of foreign currencies and foreign investment stabilization strengthened the complex investment relationship.


Sharif's grandfather was not attracted to many foxes, as he was seen as a strong and possibly corrupt man. He had already enforced the high court's basic justice and military commander when the eight amendments were reviewed, he stressed to unsupported journalists and his family firm, Ittefaq Industries, which was very efficient during the economic crisis, leading to corruption suspicion. The army chief, Jehangir Karamat, was one of many concerned about Sharif's growing power, demanding that the army be included in the state's decision-making process in an effort to balance the state government. Two days later, he resigned to put Chief Pervez Musharraf in his place. Musharraf was one of the leading figures in the Kashmir and Indian crises. He recently suspected that he had no political support for the local government in his hard work in Kashmir. A combination of Shariff's reluctance against the Kashmir opposition, growing tensions, all the violence has given Musharraf a reason to lead the overthrow of the state government. On May 12, 1999, he succeeded in overthrowing Sharif and the Islamic Party on the grounds that he maintained law and order while strengthening government institutions.

Pakistanis think this may be temporary and while the situation is stable, Musharraf will call for a new National Assembly election. But Musharraf refused to postpone the National Assembly by-election until October 2002, the time set by the Supreme Court. In July 2001 Musharraf declared himself president before meeting with the Indian Prime Minister to assert his authority over the Pakistani government. He reminded all the military units in Pakistan and urged them to return their weapons to the federal government. He remains uncertain about Pakistan's position in Kashmir, which has led to short talks with India. He is currently working with the US government and the western world on a terrorist summit, which has put him in a bad mood with his Afghan neighbors and extremists based in Pakistan sympathetic to the Taliban and Osama bin Laden on race, ideology, and politics. position.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah has always thought of democracy and many of his successors are striving to achieve this goal, but nothing more than preserving their planet of power. It is ironic that such political instability affects a country whose main goal for its leaders is to maintain their power. Maybe it's time for a new equation. The actions of civilian and military leaders have worked hard on the people of Pakistan and their struggle as a nation. Pakistan faces the inevitable task of prioritizing the country according to the needs of its various branches of reform. Regardless of the nature of the government - military or military, Islamic or secular - the solution to illiteracy and economic inequality on the other hand, and the demands of national integration and national security and they will reflect the political instability, or instability, that Pakistan will face in the coming decades... But individuals and communities insist on providing the world's greatest cultural, religious, and scientific traditions.

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